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  • Supreme Court rejects petition to ban Kancha Ilaiah book

    Deccan Chronicle
    The Supreme Court said that writers have to express their opinions within the purview of the law.
    Hyderabad: The Supreme Court on Friday refused to entertain a PIL by an advocate of Delhi seeking to impose a ban on the book Komatlu Samajika Smugglerlu (Komatlu Social Smugglers) published by Prof. Kancha Ilaiah.
    A three-member bench comprising Chief Justice Deepak Mishra, Justice A.M. Khanwilkar and Justice D.Y. Chandrachud was dismissing the PIL by Mr K.L.N.V. Veeranjaneyulu who appeared as party in person.
    He contended that the writer through his book was trying to promoting enmity among different groups in society and targeting the Vysya community with an intention to humiliate and insult them.
    The bench pointed out that banning the book would amount to infringing on the freedom of expression and speech guaranteed by the Constitution. The Supreme Court said that writers have to express their opinions within the purview of the law.

  • Concern for Kancha Ilaiah’s Protection in U.S. House of Representatives

    Mr. Trent Franks, is the U.S. Representative for Arizona’s 8th Congressional District, serving in Congress since 2003. He is a member of the Republican Party and brought issue of Freedom of Expression in India with reference to Professor Kancha Ilaiah’s Post-Hindu India book to draw the world’s attention.

    The speech was delivered on 12th October, 2017 in the U.S. House of Representatives and the speech available at http://houselive.gov/MediaPlayer.php?view_id=2&clip_id=11904

    The transcript of Speech by Mr. Franks is as follows;

    Thank you Mr. Speaker.

    Mr. Speaker, the first amendment of our constitution gives us this precious freedom of speech that we so cherish in America. Contrary to the heated debate in public opinion, we’re in the United States rarely facing the kind of persecution that necessitated this great protection.  So I rise today to shed light on the abridgement of freedom of speech that is often widely discussed but few Americans ever have to endure.  Individual freedom of speech is infringed.  Sharing one’s views freely on the internet can be punishable, even by death. Late one evening in September, a well-known Indian journalist Gauri Lankesh was murdered outside her home. She was an establishment figure with a reputation for her fearless criticism of undemocratic elements within the parties in power.  The circumstances of her death were strikingly similar to the murders of three additional Indian activists.

    And just weeks ago, another  India’s most prominent political journalist, Professor Kancha Ilaiah, who continuously questioning the caste social order and was threatened by BJP allied member of India’s parliament.  This member issued a statement that ‘the professor should be publicly hanged’.  He received numerous death threats.  These threats had significant effect.  A mob tried to attack Professor Ilaiah with stones.  Prof. Ilaiah is now under self-imposed house arrest because he’s simply not safe otherwise.  Was professor Ilaiah’s crime significant?

    Kancha Ilaiah was called as modern day Dr. Ambedkar, the father of the Indian Constitution.  The crime of Professor Ilaiah is that he was the author of “Why I am not a Hindu?” and a recent translation of his “Post-Hindu India” (2009) is what sparked the threats book was described in a polarized context of modern day India, specifically dealing with the productivity of ‘the dalits’ and ‘the lower caste’ and seemingly spiritual and monetary monopoly of ‘the higher castes’.  These became more relevant in the crisis. This resulted farmers’ suicides due to hopelessness and massive joblessness due to the de-monetization and economic slowdown.

    Mr. Speaker, I stand on the floor of the United States House of Representatives to state unequivocally that the United States and the entire global community is and should be deeply concerned about this threat to the life of Professor Kancha Ilaiah, one of the world’s well-known intellectuals. Our trusted ally and friend, India, is better than this, Mr. Speaker. Professor Kancha Ilaiah’s freedom of speech should not be infringed and his protection and that of those like him should be the utmost priority to the Indian government.  I’m able to express freely this viewpoint because we have freedom of speech in this United States of America. Mr. Speaker.  May we remember at what cost and for what purpose we were given this priceless freedom. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I yield back.

  • ‘Maybe they wanted it to be a mob lynching’

    Interview with Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, writer and political observer. By KUNAL SHANKAR

    Frontline

    THE noted writer and political observer Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, who is also the Director of the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy at Maulana Azad National Urdu University in Hyderabad, is the latest to receive death threats for his critical writings against Hindutva. He is also targeted for his theory of capital accumulation in India, which he calls “social smuggling” undertaken predominantly by Vaishyas and Brahmins—the country’s traditional trading and scholastic communities. This comes soon after the latest reprint of the Telugu translation of his English book Post Hindu India, published by Sage Publications in 2009, in the form of chapter-wise booklets. The threats began on September 10 from little-known leaders from Telangana and Andhra Pradesh who belonged to an outfit called the “Arya Vysya Organisation”. More powerful voices soon lent support to the threats. The Rajya Sabha member T.G. Venkatesh of the Telugu Desam Party from Telangana issued a “fatwa” against Ilaiah and sought a recall of his books. On September 18, he called for Ilaiah’s public hanging, though later he made light of his comments. On September 23, Ilaiah was returning from a public meeting in the newly created Bhupalpalli district of Telangana when his car was chased at two crossroads on the highway by two separate mobs. According to Ilaiah, his driver’s swift manoeuvres and the police escort from Parakal to Hyderabad saved the day. Ilaiah’s effigies were burnt in different parts of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. Speaking to Frontline, Ilaiah said singling out Hindutva’s critics and killing or silencing them had become the norm under the current regime at the Centre. Excerpts:

    What is the book about? What is the point that you have tried to make?

    These are booklets that have been made controversial by the Arya Vysya Organisation. It is a reprint of the Telugu book published in 2011, which was again a translation of my original English book titled Post Hindu India. Hindi and Marathi versions are available.

    The book was written in the context of our failure to get reservation in the private sector. I debunk the myth of “merit” used by the Banya and the Brahmin communities to avoid setting aside a certain percentage of jobs in the private sector. I make the point that tribal people, Dalits and the Sudra castes contribute the overwhelming bulk of wealth in our caste-based economic structure. I include in this category Other Backward Class groups like Gujjars, Jats and Patels. The control and accumulation of wealth in any kingdom that has ruled India from the Gupta period onward has been with the Vaishyas, that is to say, the Banya community. Contemporary capitalists like the Ambanis, the Adanis, Lakshmi Mittal, the Kirloskars and Birlas are from this community. They have gained the biggest control of Independent India’s wealth. And with their Brahmin nexus, a lot of it has gone to temples. Take for example the Sree Padmanabha Swamy temple in Kerala.

    I have theoretically explained this process of wealth accumulation as “social smuggling”, that is to say, the accumulation takes place through the mechanism of business deals with other communities as India functions largely within a feudal framework. Take, for example, the village markets, the main area of operation for the rural trading community, the Vaishyas. There are several deceptive mechanisms such as a planned decision to undercut the price of produce. Several other tactics could be used, like saying the quality is bad or there is over supply and the use of faulty weighing machines. Finally, for the producer, there is no transparency in the sale of his goods. Therefore exploitation begins right at the village or in the grain market. There is no humanitarian relationship between the seller and the buyer, and the buyer keeps the whole wealth within his caste cabal. He does not invest it in any philanthropic work, for any nationalistic capitalist must have a positive philanthropic relationship with the producers. Take the farmers: they are committing suicide. The Banya sakhas in the village would not even visit the family of the person who committed suicide because of his inability to pay back his loan. This is what I mean social smuggling. The wealth accumulation is not because of the traders’ hard work or ethical business acumen, but because of the caste he belongs to.

    My point, therefore, is today the state has privatised many things, and there are hardly any jobs in the public sector. Whether due to demonetisation, or GST [Goods and Services Tax], the companies that benefited the most are the Kirloskars, Vedanta, the Adanis, Ambani, and other Brahmin industrialists.

    There is this debate about nationalism that has been raging after the BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party] came to power. We have been seeing that soldiers are projected as the most nationalist forces in the country. If soldiers are nationalists, have we looked at the castes they belong to? Which are the castes on the borders with Pakistan, or Bangladesh, or China today? What is their economic status? Are there any Banya or Brahmin soldiers on the front lines, the men defending various places in Kashmir?

    They are the Dalits, Adivasis and Other Backward Classes. The overwhelming [majority of the] police forces in the country today come from these castes. They do so for the money and because the educational qualification required at the entry level is low—mostly class 10 for constables, even in the CRPF [Central Reserve Police Force].

    The second thing is, historically there was a Mehar regiment—[B.R.] Ambedkar’s father himself was a soldier. There were Jat regiments, Yadava regiments, Gorkha regiments and Sikh regiments, but at no point was there a Brahmin or Banya regiment.

    But was that not because of the communities’ physical attributes as well?

    Yes, vegetarianism could have been a factor. Southern or western India, you look at any nationalist leader. Most of them were never soldiers.

    The question is today political leaders, whether [Narendra] Modi or [Amit] Shah, say yoga is our national sport. But for Army selection yoga is not the main criterion; it is running, endurance and athletics—these are Sudra practices of hard work. So how does yoga help in our national defence? Can Baba Ramdev, Sri Sri Ravishankar or Sadguru, any of them, be posted on the Himalayan borders to fight Pakistani soldiers, or protect Indian borders?

    There is now this debate about not eating beef—but then you say that if you are vegetarian you are not preferred in the Army. Therefore, you are humiliating the food habits of the people who are protecting your borders, and those you need to fight your enemies. Therefore, yoga and vegetarianism, predominantly Banya and Brahmin traits, are unfit to defend India.

    The question is, what is the responsibility of the Banya or the Brahmin capitalists towards India’s national security and defence?

    Can they not give one job to one family of the soldier who is on the front lines, if he has a qualified brother or sister, back in civil society, in cities or towns? Indian capitalists have so much wealth today, they fly from one country to another for a business meal. Do they not have a responsibility towards the soldiers’ families? Therefore, defending the nation requires merit. Why is it only looked at as something required for jobs in the private sector? So in a way, the Banyas and the Brahmins are deciding the soldier’s merit now. You insult the farmer’s merit, insult the artisan’s merit, insult the tribal person’s merit, but you say only these two non-productive communities are meritorious.

    The argument for merit in the private sector is, therefore, according to me, an anti-national argument because it is confined to the well-being of two minuscule communities who have no contribution to the basic production of wealth in the nation nor participate in its defence.

    Corporate capital is talking about CSR [corporate social responsibility], but it has never shown empathy or philanthropic gesture towards farmers’ suicides. So I want industries to create a farmers’ protection fund as a social responsibility. A fund of at least 1 per cent of your total annual profit, which comes to about Rs.3,00,000 crore in my assessment. This should be a farmers’ protection fund because farmers are the wealth creators in this country.

    Another point I make is for preferential treatment to Adivasis, Dalits, dhobis and barbers—provide them 5 per cent of the jobs in the private sector.

    Why has this book become so controversial now?

    It was reviewed extensively and it sold well. The right wing also read it quite seriously, but why this controversy now? I think the atmosphere of creating controversies around those who have been critical of Hindutva, keeping a watch on them, with an intention either to stop them from writing or to kill them, has become the norm in India today.

    How and when did these protests begin?

    The first to protest was one Ramakrishna. He threatened physical attack, hunting me down, etc. Then came another statement on September 10 by one Ramana, that he would cut off my tongue. That’s when I lodged a case at the Osmania police station, on September 12.

    On September 17, there was a fatwa issued by T.G. Venkatesh that I should be killed or hanged. This is the first time a Vaishyas, in fact, a Hindu person, issued a fatwa to another citizen of India. I filed a case against him on September 19.

    Protests such as the burning of effigies have been ongoing since. I was at Bhupalpali on September 23. As we were returning from there, 10 to 15 people followed the car. They were Arya Vysyas. They came and rammed into my car from behind at a crossroads. My driver had the presence of mind to pick up speed. At Parakal, there was a mob of 30-40 people with stones and other weapons.

    Bheenaveni Ramaiah, a lecturer in the sociology department of Osmania University, was with me. My driver took a quick turn to the right. We noticed a police station on the left, we went straight in. The constable closed the gate. Meanwhile, some Dalits and [people of] OBC communities noticed my car and came to my rescue. So the Arya Vysyas ran away. We filed a case, and with a Circle Inspector [CI] and a protection convoy we returned to Hyderabad. At Ghanpur, a business town in Warangal Urban district, there was another mob. The Ghanpur CI noticed that and rushed to our convoy on the way and shifted me from my car into his car and took a circuitous route to avoid the mob. There have been counter protests, meetings and seminars against the Arya Vysyas.

    The September 23 attack seems well planned. It does not sound like a sudden act of rage.

    Absolutely. From K. Rosaiah [former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and former Governor of Tamil Nadu] to the man on the street, many people have asked me to apologise and withdraw the book. It [the protest against Ilaiah] was very well coordinated across two States, with leaders organising meetings in Hyderabad and Vijayawada.

    The attack on you does not fit the pattern of the killings of critics of Hindutva or rationalist writers/academics. Why do you think this is so?

    Maybe they wanted it to be a mob lynching in my case. The organisation [the Arya Vysyas] is not known to be violent, it is usually very peaceful. So a lynching would not be attributed to it. It seems to be something that appears to have sanction from high political bosses.

    This is not the first time you are courting controversy. From your student days at Osmania University, you have taken a public stand against caste discrimination and have written several articles, and even a book—“Why I Am Not A Hindu”. Where you ever threatened this way?

    This kind of a situation never arose. Even the last time that the BJP was in power, there was an attempt to thwart my writing, by some academic authorities—in 2002 when I wrote an article in Deccan Chronicle titled “Spiritual Fascim and Civil Society”. The academic community forced the Registrar of Osmania University to withdraw the letter directing me to stop writing. Last year, when I gave a speech in Vijayawada, when I said Brahmins never participated in productive activities since the Vedic ages—my effigies were burnt, protests broke out. That’s when they derogatorily referred to me as an Iligadu—a reference to someone who is a ruffian. That’s when I decided to add my caste title to my name. I am an ardent supporter of English education in government schools, and hence the caste title is in English as well.

     

  • Times’ Interview on Kancha’s Social Smuggler

    Living under house arrest, I’m losing hope in democracy and free speech, says Kancha Ilaiah

    Amulya Gopalakrishnan | TNN 

    Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd

    Social scientist Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd has been facing heat from the arya vysyas, who have taken offence at his analysis of the community as ‘social smugglers’. After reprints of his book were circulated, a TDP politician called for Ilaiah to be hanged, effigies of him were burnt, protesters have urinated on his photograph, and he has been threatened on the streets.

    The state, he says, has not offered any protection. In an interview to Amulya Gopalakrishnan, he explains his position

    Could you explain what you meant by ‘social smuggling’? How does casteinteract with economic exploitation?

    The notion of social smuggling, which I coined in my book Post-Hindu India, is meant to capture the idea of cultural and economic exploitation. From the post-Gupta period onwards, one caste controlled business. The banias or vysyas alone had that right, as per the Manusmriti, and as decreed by the Gupta rulers.

    Smuggling is a process of illegally taking away goods and commodities or wealth out of a nation’s borders. Social smuggling, as I define it, draws wealth, grain, goods and commodities from all the productive (agrarian and artisanal) lower castes, into the boundaries of the bania caste. The bania business often involves deceptive mechanisms while buying and selling, which is called dandekottuta in Telugu. The lower the caste, the higher the level of exploitation by the shahukars at the village level. At higher levels, non-banias are either not allowed to enter business, or not allowed to survive in it. Bania social relations with others were/are very negative, without any element of “moral sentiments”, as Adam Smith would describe it. This is what leads to massive poverty among the lower castes and massive wealth in the hands of bania business and industry.

    In ancient and medieval times, it took the shape of guptha dhana. Now, it has led to the massive accumulation of billionaires without any social responsibility. A 2012 study of corporate boards in India shows that vysyas make up 46% and brahmins 44.6%. Shudras, including all OBCs are a mere 3.8%, and SC-STs are 3.5%. The population of banias is so small, how do they control such a large share, right from the village grain market to the top industries? And okay, there is no problem if you have historical control, but what is your moral relationship with the rest of the productive market? There is no responsibility towards farmers and foot soldiers. Forget the sham of corporate social responsibility, there is no sense of social or national obligation. People keep asking the Modi government and state governments for jobs, but when they privatise everything, how can they give jobs? Why can’t the private sector give some jobs to lower castes, or create a fund? I have said I am willing to modify the book if these demands are met.

    Instead, for taking these academic positions, I have been targeted by arya vysyas in two states, not in seminar rooms but on the streets. Their MP has issued a fatwa against me, and I have been attacked.

    Why are some parties reacting so strongly to your book now?

    The value of a piece of scholarship can’t be judged by politicians in press conferences or by angry members of a community, but by other scholars. If there is indeed a dispute, it should be settled by the courts.

    So your analysis is a description of social conditions, rather than a claim about the essence of any person or group?

    What I suggest is that caste is also an economic category that has material effects on living standards, and is not merely a social category.

    Your view of free speech in India today?

    In the ancient and medieval period, there was no right to speech for dalits and shudra castes. Now, they may have some space to talk freely about class, but not about caste. The moment one talks about caste exploitation, one becomes suspect. I have experienced this deeply. They say my methodology is suspect, my English is suspect, my academic morality is suspect. I am losing hope in democracy and constitutionally guaranteed free speech. That is the reason I am living in self-imposed house arrest. Nobody has to protect me after my death.

    Was this always the case, or is there a new climate of intimidation?

    Absolutely, it is on a new scale. Our food habits are now in danger — tell me, what will the lower-caste soldier fighting China at the border eat, if not beef? Journalists like Gauri Lankesh have been killed for speaking freely. My books have been in the market for a long time. Earlier, there was some space for disagreement. Now, it is fatwas and threats of violence, even from arya vysyas who claim to be peace-loving people and share a heritage with Mahatma Gandhi.

  • Editorial Note – The Fear of Ideas

    The fear of ideas

    Indian Express

    The long winter of intolerance shows no signs of thawing. The script remains the same: Offence, weaponised, is ranged against ideas and intellectuals. The latest to be threatened with death and violence is academic and political theorist Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd for a work he published eight years ago. Shepherd’s Post-Hindu India is a critique of the caste system and its integral ties with the Baniya-dominated capitalism.

    The row erupted when a publisher reprinted chapters of the Telugu translation of the work and distributed them in the form of booklets. One of the booklets, which described how business and trade in India became the monopoly of the Baniya caste, had the provocative title: “Social Smugglers”. In Post-Hindu India, Shepherd coins the phrase to put forward his theory that the wealth produced by all the castes in Indian society has been concentrated in the hands of one caste — the wealth is not smuggled out of the country, but it results in a near-total caste monopoly over capital in India. It also, he argued, blinds the Baniyas and Brahmins to the systemic exclusion behind the so-called “meritlessness” of other castes. This analysis of a structural inequity in Indian economic life has not been met with debate. Instead, the Arya Vysas in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh have accused Shepherd of insulting their community. A Telugu Desam Party legislator wondered at a press conference why Shepherd should not be hanged. Shepherd’s car was attacked and death threats have been issued to him over telephone and on television. In all of this, the Telangana government seems to be playing with fire. While no police protection has been extended to the writer despite requests, the home minister has threatened Shepherd with legal action and another minister has called for an apology from him.

    As this episode illustrates, the argumentative Indian is now in full retreat. In her absence, what ought to be an academic debate is now being sought to be settled on the streets with violence and fisticuffs — and on social media with abuse and venom. Much worse, however, is the state’s reluctance to stand up for the constitutional rights of Shepherd’s freedom of speech and expression. The academic is a trenchant critic of the caste system, undoubtedly one of the most oppressive and humiliating systems of social organisation that exists in the world. By all means criticise his ideas and concepts, but to threaten him to silence is intellectual cowardice. The state government and the Centre, as well as the civil society, must stand up for Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd.

  • Interview – If govt can’t protect (me), other intellectuals not safe in country: Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd

    Threatened over translated writings, Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd discusses caste system and his work with Indian Express.

    Written by Amrita Dutta | New Delhi Indian Express

    Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd has faced death threats, abuse and criticism from some members of the Arya Vysa community

    After a publisher reprinted chapters of his book Post-Hindu India (2009) into booklets in Telugu, Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, 65, has faced death threats, abuse and criticism from some members of the Arya Vysa community. In this interview given on the phone, the Hyderabad-based academic explains what he means by “social smuggling” and why that offends the castes that dominate Indian capitalism. Excerpts:

    Why are the Arya Vysas (Baniyas) of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh protesting against you?

    I wrote this book in 2009 in the background of a debate over merit and the demand for reservation in the private sector. It includes several chapters on various castes — a chapter on barbers is called “social doctors”, one on dhobis is called “subaltern feminists”, and so on. The chapter on Baniyas was called “social smugglers” and the one on Brahmins was called “spiritual fascists”. This June, a small publisher printed each chapter as a separate booklet, with caste names on the cover page. This has led to protests and violent abuses by the Arya Vysa community. Two people have threatened to take my life on television. A TDP MP, P G Venkatesh, said in a press conference that I should be hanged and killed as is done in the Middle East. On September 23, I was returning from a meeting when my car was attacked. I was saved because my driver managed to take me out and reach the police station. I have filed cases at the Osmania University police station and requested for full police protection. The state has done nothing — at least as much as CM Siddaramaiah has done to protect intellectuals in Karnataka.

    Has anyone in the government reached out to you?

    Ministers in my Telangana state, including the home minister, joined the Arya Vysas in condemning me. The CM is silent. The Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister has been sending out feelers that he will ban the book. Look at the climate in which I am fighting this battle — the murders of Gauri Lankesh and M M Kalburgi in my neighbouring state. This is the fear I have. Therefore, I placed myself under house arrest. I am telling the world that if the Indian government cannot protect an intellectual who is known in the country and world, then other intellectuals have no safety in this country.

    What do you mean by calling Baniyas social smugglers?

    Social smuggling is a concept I coined to capture caste-based economic exploitation, from the village upwards to the monopoly Baniya capital, which involves the Ambanis, Adanis, the Laxmi Mittals, and so on. Social smuggling is a method of deceptive business, which accumulates wealth in the Baniya economy itself, and does not let it go back to the producers, who are the source of the wealth. Historically, because of the nexus between the Baniya and the Brahmin priestly community, the wealth was also transferred into temples. This led to non-development of mercantile capital in the medieval and late medieval age, and later indigenous capital.

    This encirclement of business is done through the spiritual dictum of Manu, Kautilya and Vedic texts. Unlike in the West, only one caste was allowed to do business in India. Smuggling means taking away wealth out of the borders of the nation illegally, but “social smuggling” means taking away the produce of all castes into the vaults of one caste — the Baniya, without any access to others. Wealth remains within the nation but in the control of one caste. It does not go back into the agricultural economy or the philanthropic economy or the education economy. This happened historically and is now happening even in the modern, privatised economy. That is the reason why 46% of the corporate directors in India are Baniyas, whereas their population is 1.9%. Brahmins come second, with 44.6% of corporate directors from their caste.

    So, you are saying that in this form of capitalism, caste cannot be challenged.

    It is this caste-controlled, socially smuggled capital which does not want to give preferential treatment or reservation in the private sector. They have been talking about our meritlessness. But we have proved our merit in producing the wealth, in the agrarian economy. Why are they not sharing this wealth with 90 per cent of the other castes, including Jats, Patels, etc, by giving them space in the private sector?

    Is it true that you have set terms for withdrawing the book?

    These are the conditions I have set (to the Baniya community to disprove that they are social smugglers). Look at our soldiers on the border. When the nationalism debate is taking place, Amit Shah and (PM) Modi are holding up the soldiers as an example. But, among these foot soldiers, there are no Baniyas or Brahmins. I am asking for one job for the family of each soldier serving on the border in the private sector. Look at the number of constables fighting in Naxalite regions or in Kashmir. Their family members should be given jobs in the private sector. Farmer suicides is one of the biggest issues in the country today. I am asking for a farmer protection fund from the entire industrial capital — at least 1% of their annual profit, around Rs 30,000 crore. Corporate social responsibility doesn’t fight the caste system, or help the tribal or Dalit issue. It should be a social responsibility.

    What is the social consequence of this “socially smuggled capital”?

    When Adam Smith wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments, he said that without moral sentiment, a transparent capitalism cannot survive. The buyer and seller will have to be honest and treat each other with respect. In this Baniya-Brahmin capitalism, that empathy, that goodwill towards the poorest of the poor is missing. To the point of ignoring the death of the farmers, who is the source of wealth. Industries must prove their nationalism like the soldiers are proving their nationalism on the border.

    Why do you think writers are facing such anger today?

    Earlier, we have had writing which has become controversial when gods or prophets are involved, or women are involved. But this is an academic concept and as a research scholar I have full rights to formulate it. This is not an issue that can be settled on the streets. Tragically, and to my surprise, the Indian intellectuals or economists have not responded to this debate. In this environment of cow vigilantism, killings of intellectuals, if communists and liberals are silent, if the English media is not reporting this, it is very frightening. That scares me more. Why are our progressive intellectuals silent? Because I am a lower-caste intellectual?

  • Why are we silent on the grave threat to Kancha Ilaiah?

    The professor must be provided all the security that he needs and those threatening to kill him must be prosecuted.


    Professor Kancha Ilaiah

    While it is nobody’s suggestion that India was a tolerant land some three years back and suddenly has developed intolerance, none can deny the fact that the goons threatening intellectuals and activists have certainly become more arrogant and encouraged by the absolute ‘disinterest’ shown by those in power. In the past few years we have lost number of persons in the cause of human rights and secularism and probes have reached nowhere even though links with organisations associated with Hindutva groups have been reported in the media.

    Activists are being threatened; intimidated and street goons have taken it upon themselves to provide ‘justice’. Where the person is a bit powerful, cases are filed against him in the court while goons are let loose to physically intimidate him.

    Kancha Ilaiah is a well-known Bahujan philosopher who has been actively critiquing the Brahminical social order and its injustices meted out to the Dalits-OBCs and adivasis. Should he not be allowed to do this under the garb of ‘hurt’ community sentiments? It is not the question of any outsider writing a critique but a person from the community historically denied right. The only difference this time was that his new book that has come out is about the Vaishya (also spelt Vysya) community which is basically a trading community.

    Normally Brahmins are the target but this time the Vaishyas (Banias) have taken it upon themselves to protest against Ilaiah for writing against them. The main contention of the community is that they have been called ‘social smugglers’ by Kancha Ilaiah in his book. One Member of Parliament from Telugu Desam Party, TG Venktesh, has reportedly threatened to kill him and asked for his hanging. Yesterday, his vehicle was attacked and a prompt action by his driver saved his life.

    So shocked was Prof Ilaiah that he felt deeply isolated and decided to confine himself to his home for the next one week. It is said that an intellectual at this stage is facing so much threat of physical violence and no assurances from the authorities for his safety. Now the issue is being deliberately being politicized to create a Hindutva frenzy in the state so that corrupt politicians can reap the benefit of the emotional blackmailing of people.

    This is the ‘New India’ where the Brahminical Hinduism will come through violent means. No criticism would be allowed or countered through a fair critique. It is not that Ilaiah wrote for the first time. His thought provoking books are there in open and should be welcomed. One can disagree with him and for that we have all avenues to not merely protest peacefully but also to write counter arguments to denounce him but that is not happening.

    With so much of the media and the publishing world in hand, these power elite are still fearful of a few who critique them. We are informed that Gandhi was a Bania. None deny that. We are not here asking anyone to be unhappy where they are born. None come here with a fixed birth record except in the Brahminical system where your caste and occupation are fixed with your birth. That is what we call caste based varnashram dharma and it must be rejected.

    We cannot hide the fact that caste system and caste discrimination are the biggest obstacle in the development of this country. In fact the caste system remains our biggest hurdle in national unity and integration. The caste system creates prejudices in the minds of people and limits your mobility beyond your own castes. Once you confine yourself within your caste, everything outside it looks as suspect and dangerous. Can we have a united India with so many thousands of caste and each considering it superior to other?

    Critiquing India’s notorious caste system is nothing wrong but will ultimately help India get stronger and united. Even then if Ilaiah has said anything academically or factually wrong then there are options before the people to go to the court or even write rejoinder, engage in a democratic debate. Huge number of upper caste members dominate our media, academia, intelligentsia and they can write a counter critique of Ilaiah. But the street protests that we are witnessing in Andhra and Telangana are merely for political purpose and need to be unconditionally condemned.

    The videos of protest using innocent children to urinate in public on the photograph of Ilaiah is nothing but the sick mindset of people who are using children to reap the rich harvest of hatred during the election. It is deeply despicable and condemnable. Why should children be used in a debate which is academic debate? And even if they are used, is this the best way to use their ‘creativity’. Is this not an imposition of male supremacy as we find no girls or women in the protest?

    Kancha Ilaiah has not killed anyone, nor is he spreading hatred against particular communities or people. He has not threatened anyone but only spoken through his writings against what he and many like him consider historic wrongs. Isn’t it his right to question and speak up against the social injustice that prevailed for centuries in our society?

    Isn’t it for Indians to ponder as why one community is in business or knoweldge while other is purely for cleaning human excreta? Is this not a reservation which has existed in this filthy society where a few protested but those who enjoyed kept quiet? When this hegemony is challenged then the question of merit is raised as if all those in the Dalal Street in Mumbai are the most meritorious people. Caste system is nothing but hidden apartheid and you cannot hide from the fact that it needs to go and should be abolished as Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar as well as many others like him, had wanted.

    What is more disturbing is the failure of the two state governments of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana to provide him protection and take action against those threatening him. The way political protests have been launched against him is clear indication of the local politicians who are being encouraged by their respective parties to intimidate a scholar through street goondaism. The two chief ministers of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana are the same persons who refused to speak up against institutional murder of Rohith Vemula.

    Even when the entire country stood up for Rohith’s cause, the two upper caste governments actually were determined to treat him as a ‘non-Dalit’, a deliberate ploy to divide people on caste lines and deviate from the real issue of the prevailing caste prejudices in their system. A Member of Parliament of TDP has openly threatened to Ilaiah him but there is no action from the party head and chief minister Chandrababu Naidu. The goons are openly attacking him and monitoring his physical movement but the two chief ministers remain shamelessly silent on the issue.

    Another appalling thing is the conspicuous silence of intellectuals and political parties as Kancha has himself said. This is a very disturbing fact. We know he has been a critique of Brahminical system in our political parties and intelligentsia including the Left. This is not for the first time that any intellectual has spoken about the Left and other political organisations. It was a critique of Dr Ambedakr, Phule, Periyar and many others who have followed their path over the years. There are of course upper caste people who acknowledge their faults and happily engage in a fruitful discussion on the issue which is a welcome sign.

    This is the period of a great crisis. Those who are targeting Ilaiah know it well that there are wide differences among the non-Hindutva groups. This is not merely the problems of the Left forces but also of the Ambedkarites and Bahujan forces. It is not the time to get into digging history and then taking a stand. In my opinion every Ambedkarite or a true intellectual of any variety, Left or socialist or freethinker will always defend an individual’s right to freedom of expression and engage in democratic debates.

    Moreover, it is not a street brawl that Ilaiah has engaged in but a purely academic work which can and should only be countered through academic exercise or democratic protests. The pain is that we have not heard intellectuals, academics taking any stand on it particularly outside Andhra and Telangana except for some individual responses on social media. It is good that the Congress Party has issued a very strong statement in the media as their spokesperson Randeep Singh Surjewallah demanded action against the threatening MP and protection to Ilaiah. This is certainly a positive sign and we appreciate it.

    India is fast becoming a mob republic where the power elite has developed various ways to not only intimidate you but also to put you in deep distress, go to the extent of physical hurt or even elimination. The mobs are being encouraged to take law in their hands and they have the fullest backing through the PR agents who can easily convert a wrong into right and the vice versa but then these should be the finest hours for all of us who are fighting against the subjugation and discrimination as it is the right time to see the truth, decide our stand and our attitude.

    We need to develop a culture of debate and discussion as that is the only way to save us as a society and as a nation. Once people start taking law in their hand and deciding to judge everyone in the street we will have none to blame but ourselves. It is better to learn from the experiences of others. People in Sudan, Yemen, Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan and elsewhere know well the importance of democracy where in the name of identities and national interests people have killed each other. India survived as a democracy and fared well because despite all our weaknesses, we promoted ideas through constructive debates. We agreed to disagree.

    If you don’t like Ilaiah or any one like him, don’t read him, switch off your TV or counter him ideologically through various mediums. Each one of have various options including social media and it should be used to strengthen debate. But don’t fall prey to the political goons who are only using sentiments to spread hatred and promote their political interest. Professor Ilaiah must be provided all the security that he needs and those threatening to kill him must be prosecuted.

  • My Statement after Parkala Attack Yesterday

    PRESS RELEASE

    As I and Dr. Bheenaveni Ramaiah (Assistant Professor of Sociology, Osmania University), one of my relatives, my Driver narrowly missed a major murderous attack at Parakal, Bhupalpally district on 23/9/2017 by the Arya-Vysya forces at 4.45 pm. In this context, I am issuing this statement.  They were about 30 and more people with big stones in their hands at the Ambedkar statue at the road turning point junction towards Warangal. Some attackers started chasing my car hitting it from behind from Bhupalapalli onwards with hands. They would have attacked us at the Bhupalapalli red light cross. But my driver’s speed movement once the green light appeared saved us there. With a pre-plan a team was also waiting at Parkal. There also my driver took quick turn to the right drove to the nearby police station in Parakal with highest speed possible.  The mob was also followed my car upto the police station.

    Thankfully all the police personal quickly covered my vehicle. The CI and SI really provided protection. The Arya-Vysyas tried to push themselves into the Police Station. They waited there till I gave the petition and started with two protection police vehicles.

    As the police followed us in two vehicles, as we reached Ghanpur, there were several Arya-Vysyas on the road to attack our car even when the police were there. There again the local CI protected with a great skill by taking us through village roads and could reach Hyderabad safely in the night at 10pm. It was a fear stricken travel.

    Ever since my effigy burning on 10th September, 2017 started I had to lodge three cases. Two in Osmania PS after Arya-Vysya leaders Ramakrishna and Ramana’s threats. The second one after the Fatwa issued by TG Venkatesh MP, TDP and at also Parkal murderous attack.

    The national parties like Congress, CPM and CPI did not even condemn at the national level. The Telangana Congress, TDP and other parties were also silent. Only Telangana CPM and CPI condemned. The ruling TRS and BJP were all the time supporting the Arya-Vysays and abusing me on the TV channels. No major human right activists came forward in my support within Telangana, quite tragically.

    In my two petitions at Osmania I requested for strong police protection at my house. That is also not provided.

    I am losing faith in the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of Speech also.

    In this fearful situation I took the following decisions:

    1) Till 4th October, 2017 end I impose a Self-House Arrest myself  and remain at Home. If I need to go out on personal needs like (medical and other) I will inform the Osmania Police Station.

    2) I remain silent for all the media networkers of the State are concerned. If they are national or international by appointment I may speak. That is also in good faith.

    I thank my driver and the police officials involved in my protection.

     

    KANCHA ILAIAH SHEPHERD

     

  • DEATH FATWA TO KILL KANCHA ILAIAH SHEPHERD BY TDP MP T.G VENKATESH

    T.G. Venaktesh, an extremist Arya Vysya leader held a press conference on 18/9/2017 in a luxury hotel in Hyderabad with an extremist, conspitorial Arya Vysya team and declared a Fatwa on me that he would  kill or hang in the streets as they do in the Middle East. This person is an MP from the TDP and supposed be the richest  man after Gandi Madhava Rao (GMR) from that community in the two Telugu states . Can a Parliament member who issued a Fatwa against a citizen—that too a globally known writer and thinker—continue in the Parliament as member? It is for the BJP and TDP to decide.

    The myth that the Arya Vysya community is a peace loving non-violent community proved to be wrong. This is clear from the violent statements that their leaders are issuing. It is also clear from their abusive and vulgar behavior on the streets from village to cities up to the State capitals Amaravati and Hyderabad. They are  indulging in the treat vandalism. Both the states are freely allowing them to the point of creating a law and order situation. They seem to have no respect for judiciary also.

    They are the most organized caste in India with 46 per cent of the total wealth and 48 per cent of the Company Directors, in their hands. The Ambani Group,Adani group, Laxmi Mittals, Vedanta and so on are part of this community. This is the only community that has a Bank called Vysya Bank in their caste name in India.

    For writing a chapter in my book called Post-Hindu India with a title called Social Smugglers, a concept I coined to capture caste cultural and economic exploitation in India, and translating it into Telugu they are attacking me. I have been fighting for reservation in the private sector for long time, as there are no jobs in the state sector at all. We are now demanding in the T-MASS (Telanga all peoples) meetings an organization formed three months ago,  jobs for all the kith and kin of the lowest level soldiers serving on the borders of Pakistan, and China and also in the internal security sectors, at least one job for family in their firms, a token their nationalism, without going into MERIT Question that they have been raising all the time. At least one percent of their total profit for FARMER’ S FUND for the SURVIVAL of the dying farmers across the country. This is necessary because  the States are also not in a position to protect them for paucity of funds as they themselves are saying. The Farmer Suicides are taking place all over India. This is part of their Corporate Social  Responsibility.

    For this issuing a Middle East type of Fatwa by the Parliament member with a back up of the ruling establishments both at the state and also national level is a dangerous trend in the nation. This fatwa is issued under the nose of Telangana Government in which I am living. The Government is silent giving an impression of complicity. For last 10 days from i.e 10th Sep 2017 till date my phone gets organized phone calls with abuses and vulgar SMSs. This is only to make me mad. Everyone knows that Air Tell and Reliance companies are in their hands.

    Any Intellectual who stands by the Dalitbahujans and the poor and asks for some jobs in the their private companies if gets  Fatwas of killing and hanging in the streets of India by the one of the richest persons and a parliament member, the country and its  very Democracy and Freedom  of Speech that the constitution guaranteed will be in real danger. Perhaps I may be the first person to die like that.

    In Andhra Pradesh Errachandanam (RED SANDLEWOOD) is being smuggled without trace of source of smugglers. Who knows TG.Venkatesh could be behind it? Who knows he must be behind Gauri Lankesh and Kulburgi’s shooting down? Who knows the murderers could be hiding in the massive mansions he owns in kurnool (AP) and in Hyderabad? Who will investigate when both the State Governments and Centre are behind him?

    DEMANDS:

    1) Why is the Telangan Government silent on this Fatwa?

    2) What is Chandrababu Naidu’s Stand on this Fatwa?

    3) What is the position of the Central Government headed by an OBC Prime Minister on this Fatwa?

    Based on this fatwa I can seek an Asylum in any country. But I am a nationalist with reverence to Buddha and Ambedkar. I would like to live and die here only. I hope the nation responds. Though filing a case seems to have no effect but I will file a case in the local Police Station on this Fatwa soon.

    KANCHA ILAIAH SHEPHERD

    Memebr T-MASS ( Telangana Masses)

  • WHAT IS SOCIAL SMUGGLING?

    By Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd

    The concept Social Smuggling I coined in my book Post-Hindu India (Sage 2009) has generated a law and order issue, created by the Arya Vysya organizations of the two Telugu States.

    The Vysya Associations have issued a death threat to me for applying this concept to the Vysya model of caste based business historically leading to a massive amount of wealth being hidden under ground called Guptha Dhana.

    The chapter Social Smugglers that was first translated by Msco publishers in the whole was published by a small local book seller with the title Samajika Smugglerlu: Komatollu. This booklet is being burnt all over Andhra Pradesh and Telengana to pressure the state Governments to ban it. In this context the concept Social Smugglers needs to be examined at some length here.

    The Social Smuggling process started from the post-Guptha period of fifth century AD and continues to operate even today. Till British colonialism came to India the completely caste controlled business was only in the hands of the Banias. Even the British did not touched the caste centered business from the villages upwards, including the ritual economy around Hindu temples.

    Wealth and gold was also hidden in the temple treasuries without allowing it to re-enter market transactions. This whole process of wealth accumulation by exploiting the labour of the productive masses, drawing it into a caste economy and not allowing it to plough back into society, cannot be understood by the concept ‘exploitation’ that was very apt for the West.

    Indian exploitation has a massive component of the use of caste ‘social borders’ to control the accumulated wealth within that border of heavily exploited wealth. It was used by the traders for their good life and gave enough to the temples for better survival of priests. The remaining surplus was hidden under ground, over ground and also in the temples. This process did not allow the cash economy to come back in the form of investment either for agrarian development or for promotion of mercantile capital. This whole process is nothing but Social Smuggling. The wealth did not go outside India but did get arrested and used only within the caste borders.

    This process is continuing even now in different modes. In all grain markets the Shahukars are the main buyers of the produce for very low cost from the farmers and sell the same goods for huge prices for the same producers of wealth.

    Let us take rice, for example. Paddy is bought from farmers at a very low price by the Shahukars. They convert the paddy into polished rice in their mills and sell back to the same producers for a five to six times higher price. So also for cotton, chilli and so on. The largest rice mill owner network is controlled by this caste. From this to pushing the Indian economy into the monopoly of the Ambani-Adani massive ‘caste control of capital’ has become possible only because of Social Smuggling.

    From the Bombay mills to all petroleum products, ownership is established by a mix of class exploitation and caste business encirclement. This trader caste based encirclement does not allow any other caste business person to survive.

    The second major character of, thus, socially smuggled economy is that it does not have any human empathy for the lower caste poor. The poor among the same caste get some help but the wretched of the earth —the Dalit Adivasi poor—do not get sympathetic treatment. They are not able to establish some Social Justice Fund in their caste organizations, like the Muslim rich do in the name zakat for the poor of their own religion. The upper castes claim that the SC/ST/OBCs are Hindus. But they never share a rupee with them in the ritual or social realm.

    Class exploiters in the West have a social investment fund. Willing preferential treatment for blacks and poor and so on are some of the aims. The Social Smugglers do not even have that kind of God feared empathy. Hence the lower caste poor die of starvation, hunger and distress generated suicides. The rich peoples wealth accumulation has no limits.

    It is this Socially Smuggled economy that does not want to allow even preferential treatment to the Dalit/Adivasis/OBCs by providing employment in the shops and companies. These masses have been asking for reservation in the private sector for decades. And as soon as such concerns and demands are raised the Shishakar anchors shout in unions ‘MERIT IS DEAD.’

    Socially Smuggled economy produces intellectuals who constantly protect that encircled border of wealth very seriously.

    Caste economy established its own borders within the nation state. This issue could not be addressed within the framework of class exploitation. The notion of social smuggling no doubt, has to be developed much more in the future. But I made a small attempt in my book Post-Hindu India and it has brought the richest caste of India onto the streets.

    For this they are burning my effigies all over the Telugu States for the last three days. Death threats are being issued. But they can be stopped only by counter mobilization of all Shudras (Kammas, Reddys, Jats, Patels, Maratas, OBCs, Dalits, Adivasis so on). All these communities are still operating mainly in the agrarian sector and small entrepreneurship. In the shahukar economy they are very few and continue to be victims of the Social Smuggling process in the Indian caste economy. Let our economists debate this notion of Social Smuggling.