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Priest-PM Modi is ‘Hinduising’ the state and ‘stateising’ the religion
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd
6 Mar 2024
It was a unique event where a prime minister, hailing from the OBC community, consecrated the idol of (Ram Lalla) inside the sanctum sanctorum of the temple. File photo shows Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya.
Modi has managed to arm-twist the RSS into accepting his version of Hinduism, with his strong grip over the BJP and the OBC vote-bank
The upcoming general elections are set to establish a new relationship between the Indian constitutional democratic state and ‘Sanatana Dharma’ – a phrase used by the Sangh Parivar to define its version of Hinduism.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is playing a skillful role to de-secularise the Indian state with the conscious support of the massively-grown monopoly capitalist class of western India.
Quite consciously and systematically, the film industry has also been integrated into the whole process of de-secularisation of the nation-state. Three networks – the RSS-BJP combine and the state institutions under its control, the monopoly capitalist class, and the cinema industry – have joined hands to use temples against schools, which are a natural ally of modern democracy.
Ideally, it is schools that run the state. But it won’t be long before temples replace schools in chartina the future of the nation.
The PM who is a ‘priest’
The process took a new turn with the prime minister’s inauguration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. The event wasn’t just well-timed, coming days ahead of the Lok Sabha polls, but saw an enormous participation of people from all walks of life.
The magnitude of the whole affair stopped the Left-wing intelligentsia and secular narties like the Condress and the I eft in their tracks. Their old methodology failed to give them a clue on how to respond to the development or take the next step forward.
It was a unique event where a prime minister, hailing from the OBC community, consecrated the idol (of Ram Lalla) in the sanctum sanctorum of the temple. This gave Modi the dual identity of a Prime Minister and a ‘priest’, something that India had not seen so far.
RSS caught surprised
Even though the RSS, the ideological fountainhead of the BJP, wouldn’t have traditionally allowed the prime minister to take up the double role, the organisation clearly did not see it coming. It was evident that Modi, who rose through the ranks – from a grassroots worker to the most influential figure in the party – no” has an iron grip on all matters.
After the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, Modi appears to have taken over the position of priest with his own ideological operation. Just before the consecration of the temple on January 22, 2024, he made an 11-day tour of temples of South and North India. He declared that he was fasting for 11 days to “purify” himself.
He performed all sorts of rituals in several temples. Even after the temple consecration, he continued with his ritual performance in many temples.
Shunning old traditions
Notable was the way Modi snubbed traditional Hindu practices to assert his version of religion, displeasing the Shankaracharyas in the process.
As he is an OBC from the Modh Ghanchi community of Gujarat, his role as consecrator of the Ram temple for updates
opposed by the Shankaracharyas, religious heads who are heading the four Adi Shankara ‘peeths’ or ‘mathas’ in the country. The beeths. which are Shaivite-Brahminic
Shudras, Dalits and Adivasis, whom the RSS and BJP are organising into a major vote bank, have no interaction with these peeths as they practise a strict ‘varna’ system (social hierarchy). These mathas are not mass devotional centres like Tirupati or like
‘Sammakka Sarakka Theertham’ of Telangana.
While the boycott by the Shankaracharyas had little impact on Modi, the RSS also remained indifferent to it, keeping the larger picture in mind.
Powered by capitalists
Since the Ram temple issue is the product of a long-drawn ideological fight against India’s Islamic past, the BJP was successfully able to rally the capitalist class around the cause.
The decades between 1992 and 2024 saw a majority of Indian industrialists embracing the Hindutva ideology. Top industrialists from western India, mostly from Mumbai and Gujarat, established deeper relations with Modi and BJP leader and Union Home Minister Amit Shah, particularly from 2002 onwards – the year the intercommunal riots in Godhra polarised Gujarat.
Getting the monopoly capitalist class to support the Ram temple cause was a herculean task even for Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. But it was Modi and Shah who carefully organised the whole network.
But, in the process, the state apparatus moved to the control of top industrialists of the country. And India is not China, where pure authoritarianism of state power can control even the monopoly cap getting out of hand.
All for ‘Hindu Vatican’
The Ram temple, which is becoming a mass devotional centre drawing pilgrims in lakhs, is being endorsed not just by industrialists and film stars who are donating money and gold, but also by NRIs. All this to project it as a Hindu version of the Vaticanor Mecca.
Not just that, the Sangh Parivar is also making every effort to bring tribal shrines and rituals under its version of Hinduism.
Seeing the popularity of the Sammakka Sarakka Theertham, a tribal fair in Telangana which draws lakhs of devotees every year, the Union government last year named the new Tribal Central University at Mulugu as Sammakka Sarakka University. The fair this year is said to have drawn over 4 crore devotees.
The RSS-BJP has also Sanskritised several tribal temples by installing Brahmin priests there. The Koya tribes of Mulugu were opposed to this strategy of the Sangh Parivar, but Modi managed to outwit them by naming the tribal university after Sammakka and Sarakka, two tribal goddesses they worship.
Behind Modi’s unquestioned authority
The most critical question is why the RSS gave a free hand to Modi, allowing him to don the role of a priest even at the cost of snubbing the Shankaracharyas, whose word is considered sacrosanct in Hindu religion.
The answer lies in ‘Hinduising’ the state and ‘stateising’ the religion. Modi has become an agent of this new process. He has managed to arm-twist the Brahmin-led RSS into accepting his version of Hinduis strong grip over the BJP and th support he enjoys.
Even when Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the Prime Minister, the RSS did not depend on
accepting his version of Hinduism with his strong grip over the BJP and the OBC support he enjoys.
Even when Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the Prime Minister, the RSS did not depend on him as much as it depends on Modi for managing the state and religious affairs.
This is an unexpected development in modern constitutional democracy. And this has been possible because of the unwavering support of the monopoly capital class to Modi.
Even RSS cadres – although they continue to be in denial – have come to adopt a new lifestyle, including the patronage of industrialists, state protection, security, and capitalist comforts. They have come to understand what ‘Ram Rajya’ means. Modi has become the deliverer of that ‘Rajyasukha’ to RSS and BJP leader and cadres after about 100 years of waiting for it.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist and author.
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Andhra Pradesh’s “Transformation Of School Education” Tableau Is A Challenge To Other States
In Andhra Pradesh the Government on 30 January, 2024 entered into an agreement with an international organization to start the school education with IB (Baccalaureate Syllabus) syllabus from class one onwards. This is another major step in linking up the Government school education in English medium to global standards. The students will get a joint certificate. The focus of the AP Government on school education by spending huge amounts as a future investment for building knowledge India, is reflected in the Republic Day parade Tableau that the Andhra Pradesh Government put before the nation and the world.
The Republic Day parade, 2024 in Karthvya Path, New Delhi, displayed a new vision of the future with the Andhra Pradesh Government putting out a Tableau with the theme “ Transformation of School Education” before the global and national leadership. It required courage and confidence on the part of the AP Chief Minister to put out a tableau creatively constructed by the officials with school children and teachers singing and dancing on and around the tableau as it kept moving. The international and national viewers were clapping quite enthusiastically as it marked a major difference from other state tableaus. The Tableau song:
Sakala Vidhyalaku Me Me Saati
Vishwa Vidhyaku Me Me Poti(We are capable of learning all forms of Education
We can compete with Global Education).The song tells about the quality of English medium education that the AP Government is providing in all the Government schools for the poorest of the poor children. The students in their school uniform were showing their tablets and bilingual books, and the teachers were helping them learn skills and knowledge. This is the most futuristic tableau of India to tell the world that India will produce world-class philosophers, scientists, engineers, and doctors from its rural school education, which is being given free for every child. A translator was explaining to the French president, Macron, about the message of transformation of school education and he was looking at it with curiosity.Name: Email:
No state Government during the last 74 years of Republic Day parades presented the innovative school education model of that particular state. The only state which could dare to show its literacy rate, if not its quality education was Kerala. But even Kerala also did not think to celebrate its school educational achievement as the AP Government did in this year. Perhaps one of the reasons is that Jagan is going to 2024 elections making his education model a vote catcher.
Of course, every ruling political party tries to win the election based on its performance and policy programme. But the new English medium school education that he introduced, along with the improvement of school infrastructure is a heartening thing in a democracy that thinks of becoming global power house. Jagan shifted the idea of quality school education from private to public. The children of the poor in remote villages are hoping to get into national and global markets with confidence and dignity while learning modern global skills in their own village schools. Jagan seems to have chosen this model of development in opposition to the development model of his predecessor, Chandrababu Naidu. He invested the state resources in pooling 30,000 acres of land to build a Singapore like capital city. His model is private-sector investment model without bothering much Government sector. Even education sector he promoted private investors.
CONTRAST TO OTHER TABLEAUS
The AP tableau stood in contrast with other state tableaus, which either presented their past glory or symbols of freedom struggle, or religious symbols or tribal or life of women from their states. The parade was meant to specifically present women’s empowerment in India. It was designed to show the world in every field how the country is encouraging women—in all wings of army, scientific activities like ISRO and so on. The ISRO put its own women power in space science on its tableau. That had its own futuristic merit. The tribal states and traditional states like Rajastan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh (which brought a tableau on Ram Lalla) put out tableaus with dancing traditional women. But AP was the only state that showcased school education as future of this nation, with modern well equipped English medium education in the globalized world.
The challenge before other states is what about the future of tribal (North East, Chattishgharh or Jharkhand and so on) or non-tribal women who still hang on to semi-medieval life systems. No Tableau has shown what is the status of Muslim women. At least one tableau should have been brought from Kashmir. Ultimately the betterment of women of all states points to the model of Andhra Pradesh school education.
It is one thing to showcase the history of the state; it is another thing to showcase the future of the country through a well-planned education of the nation’s children. AP had done that with a clear vision. Prime Minister Narendra Modi was carefully watching the school education tableau as the AP tableau was moving. Even his own Gujarat model did not work on well-defined English medium education for its students studying in Government schools. Gujarat also now depends on its quality English medium education in private schools. But That is accessed only by the rich.
When India aspires to compete with the West and China the only way is quality education preferably in English medium with a good grounding in their regional language.
The Andhra students’ confidence comes from the quality English medium education with a conscious effort by Jagan Mohan Reddy. He has now made that as his poll plank. With that idea the showcasing of school education in Republic Day parade in Delhi.
THE POSITIVE SIDE OF IT
Any major positive step in school education by the Centre or a state must be appreciated. There lies the future of the nation. Ideological differences could be there on any issue, but certainly not on providing quality school education in the Government schools on par with private schools, so that the child’s future cannot be setback. Any child can learn two languages quite easily and in our case, it has to be English and the regional language of the child. One hopes that even the central Government understands and appreciates the Andhra model.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist and author of many books.
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Kanaka Guru Pitta Must Start English Medium Schools And Connect Shepherds To Global Knowledge
On 13 January, 2024 the Kanaka Guru Pitta headed by Sri. Niranajananda Swami in a massive public meeting attended by the Karnataka Chief Minister Mr. Siddaramaiah, central minister Mr. Bhagwanth Khuba, Planning and Urban Development Minister of Karnataka Mr Bairati Suresh and other Pittadhipatis, amidst thousands of shepherds (Kurubas) from all over the state, presented “The Sun of Our Community” (the Halumatha Bhaskara) title award to Kancha Ilaiah shepherd. The award consisted of a plaque and Rupees 50,000. The plaque read, ” We wish him the best by awarding the title Halumatha Bhaskara in recognition of his achievements as a strong voice against the religious persecution of the Indian aborigines and against caste oppression”.
Siddaramaiah congratulated him for doing great intellectual service to the oppressed and exploited masses of India.Name: Email:
SHEPHERD’S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH.
At the outset I am extremely happy to have been given this unusual award, called Halumatha Bhaskara) “The Sun of Our Community”.
I thank the Kanaka Guru Pitta for honouring me with this significant award. I thank the Pittadhi Pathis and the Chief Minister Sri Siddaramaiah and other ministers for their presence on this significant occasion.
The community here refers to all shepherding castes and communities across the country, which built the meat and milk economy of India for millennia. They built the most classical economy by grazing sheep and goats, an animal species that became the food and warm clothing resource of global people from most ancient days. Shepherd is universally known as a human being of an ideal image of God. It is said that God created human beings in his image. The shepherd was created as an earliest image of that God. He/she loves animals, nature and all other humans. But In India this community suffered inhuman indignity and were kept by the Brahminic spiritual system as untouchable.
The first ever known liberator of this community of such spiritual untouchability was Kanakadasa of this region. I am fortunate to have been born in his community and also for receiving this award associated with his Guru Pitta.
In Karnataka this community is known as Kuruba, in two Telugu states Kuruma. In Maharashtra it is known as Dhangar. In North India it is known as pal, Bhagel, Ghaderia and so on. This community is there in every state in India. Even among the Tribals this occupation is part of Tribal life. Animal economy is their main source of survival.
Kanakadasa who lived between 1509 and 1609 in the present Karnataka region was a shepherd saint, poet, singer and spiritual philosopher. In his long life of about a hundred years he fought many anti-social forces. He worked as a shepherd in his early days and later became a soldier. Thereafter he turned to spiritual engagement by singing Bhajans, keerthanas to abstract God. During his time the Shudras were also not allowed to enter into any temple that was being managed by Brahmins, mainly around Vedic and Puranic deities.
In India for millennia agrarian and artisanal Gods/Goddesses and Sanskrit textual Gods/Goddesses differed in theory and practice. For example Rama, Krishna temples were managed by Brahmins with the support of kings. They were said to understand only Sanskrit. The poojaris were only Brahmin men who treated all other communities and their own women as unworthy of learning the Sanskrit language. They were treating the Shudras and Dalits as untouchable. They were also treating agrarian production as pollution.
Kanaka had to fight a big spiritual battle in Krishna temple, where entry was denied to him. Though the story goes that Krishna himself appeared to him by breaking the wall of the temple, Kanaka had won a literary spiritual battle by appealing to all castes of Kannada society by defeating Brahminism. Defeating Brahminism in 16th century was not an ordinary task. It was much more difficult than defeating the British rulers in the 20th century. But Kanakadasa fought that battle and won. It appears that he was the first Shudra to attain a high spiritual status by creating a new literary and cultural saga. Though Basava fought against Brahmanism much before Kananaka, he was a born Brahmin and turned pro-Shudra and pro-production.
The Pitta that was established to continue the liberation spiritual ideology of Kanakadasa by Sri Birendra Keshavatarakanandapuri Swami has established several spiritual and educational centers in Karnataka. The Pitta has become a critical spiritual mobilizer of the poor masses, alongside the Basava spiritual centers in Karnataka. This work has to expand to all India landscape and mobilize all shepherd communities with one national identity.
This becomes possible only when Pitta starts world class English medium schools and colleges to educate the children of shepherds cutting across all regional languages.
Since we are living in a globalized world, every young generation has to acquire skills in two languages—English and regional language. This is what Brahminic spiritual institutions are doing. Brahma Samaj has done that for Brahmins. But our children have not yet entered into that global knowledge domain.
Kanaka learnt reading and writing when a Shudra was prohibited to learn. Our children are now systemically prohibited to learn quality English right from class one. The Brahminic institutions do not allow teaching of Dignity of Labour to children as they are opposed to all productive work like tilling land, grazing cattle, pot making, shoe making and so on. But the God that Kanaka visualized was with shepherds, shoe makers, tillers, pot makers and so on. His God existed around fields but not just in temples. God for him was neither a war hero nor a dance master. God for him was food producer, animal economist, road sweeper, cook in the kitchen.
At a time when Brahmanism was separating milk from meat in the domain of food culture, with a funny theory of God drinks milk but does not eat meat, Kanaka as a shepherd knew that for God meat and milk are like body and soul. Neither of them could be taken out of human plate. As a shepherd he knew that God comes in the form of composite food for sustenance of the human body and soul. God does not separate meatarian from vegetarian. Both Kanaka and Basava taught that plural food culture is divinely respectable.
Kanakadasa knew how a shepherd grows hundreds of sheep and sells only a few for human food in the form of meat. The living ones keep supplying milk while denying enough food for their new born. Hence, the shepherd dedicates his life to sustaining his flock un-diminishing. No shepherd subscribes to the theory that God is vegetarian or meatarian. God is a supplier of food in all forms that are not poisonous.
God in the form of Shepherd supplies milk and meat for human survival and supplies wool for protecting human beings from cold and heat. Hence the shepherd is most respectable in the realm of God. But Kanaka, in the incarnation of shepherd of God, was denied entry into a temple that Brahmins were managing. He then turned their unethical divine theory on its head and went into productive masses telling them how God loves them more than a priest who hates food production work but eats the labour power of people, who keep on producing food by working all day believing in God.
He also broke the myth that God understands only Sanskrit in a prayer or Pooja, but not other people’s languages. He went on singing in people’s Kannada in the villages around the fields and around temples. That has shaken the Brahminic control over God. The masses became aware of God in a popular sense. Now the very same Brahminic forces educate their children in English in private costly institutions.
Hence the shepherd communities across the country have to turn to learn English, without leaving their regional language base.
When I added the name shepherd to my name the idea was to tell the nation and the world that my parents’ and ancestral occupation is sheep rearing and I am proud of that occupation as it is a revered profession globally. The first city builder of India with the name Harappa was built in the name of a man called Harappa two thousand years before the Aryans came here. He was a shepherd and animal economy builder. That history connected me to all the shepherd castes in the country. By adding shepherd to my name I have overcome my historical inferiority. No regional language could give that stature.
My writings have acquired greater recognition and seriousness once they were reprinted with that name shepherd. The global universities and intellectual forces take my writings seriously and read and recommend them.
The shepherd community lives labour as life but not leisure as life. It is a community that lives a life of honesty and truth. Kanakadasa’ message and ideology of democratic spiritual practice should be taken to all productive communities so that a religion called Kanakaism will emerge in future. That will be an extension of Buddhism and Basavaism.
I once again thank the Kanaka Guru Pitta for honouring me with an award of great significance. If I will be of any help to this pitta and Karnataka state being ruled by the Congress, a liberal democratic party, under the leadership of Sri. Siddaramaiah, in English education I will certainly do my bit.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist and author of many books.
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What rest of India can learn from Jagan’s Andhra Pradesh model
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North-South: It’s southern welfare economy versus RSS highway economy Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd 12 Dec
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What Telangana Congress’ 6 guarantees mean & why they will change welfarism in India
The six schemes will empower women, boost the rural economy, and improve the well-being of the agrarian poor.
KANCHA ILAIAH SHEPHERD
14 December, 2023 11:09 am ISTSoon after his swearing-in on 7 December 2023, Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy gave his assent to the immediate implementation of the six guarantees promised by the Congress in its election manifesto. For the first time in Indian history, a national party will be transferring welfare scheme amounts directly into the bank accounts of the most poverty-ridden agrarian and artisanal masses.
What is the amount the people of Telangana will receive? The guarantees promised by the Congress include: First, the Mahalakshmi scheme, wherein the Congress government will give women a monthly sum of Rs 2,500, gas cylinders for Rs 500, and free travel in RTC buses. Second, Rythu Bharosa for farmers: Rs 15,000 per acre (both landowners and tenants), Rs 12,000 for agricultural labour, and a bonus of Rs 500 for paddy—all amounts paid annually. Third, the Gruha Jyothi scheme will provide 200 units of free electricity to every household. Fourth is Indiramma Indlu, under which the Congress will give a 250 sq yard plot for all Telangana movement fighters and a house site and Rs 5 lakh for those who do not own a home. Fifth, Yuha Vikasam will give students a Vidya Bharosa card worth Rs 5 lakh while the government will set up Telangana International Schools in every mandal. The last guarantee, Cheyutha, will provide senior citizens with a monthly pension of Rs 4,000 and Rs 10 lakh under the Rajiv Arogyasri insurance.
One clear implication of this agrarian and artisanal welfarism is that a lot of state budget capital will be diverted to rural markets. These schemes do not involve middlemen, nor do MLAs or bureaucrats control the disbursal of amounts. The relevant department will just have to oversee the regular monthly or seasonal transfer of money into the beneficiaries’ bank accounts, which the department will identify after verifying the economic status.
How the guarantees will benefit
Of course, this kind of money transfer to rich landowners needs to be reviewed in future. But right now, the welfare programmes for the poorest of the poor and working women are seen by economists wedded to the Sangh ideology as “revdis” or freebies. No matter that the Narendra Modi government is opposed to strengthening the country’s agrarian economy, since it is mostly in the hands of Shudra, Dalit, and Adivasi workforces.
Women, especially, will benefit greatly from the initiatives of the Telangana government. The Mahalakshmi scheme will help rural poor women and improve their position within the family through financial assistance. Free bus travel across the state will increase their social exposure, as now, they will be able to travel more to tour the state or simply visit their families and friends. Additionally, women will be able to spend more on themselves, their accommodation, their children’s well-being, food, and clothing. Overall health expenditure will likely come down.
The combined transfers under the Rythu Bharosa, Mahalakshmi, and Cheyutha schemes, including the provision of 10 gm of gold and Rs 1 lakh for women at the time of marriage, will make the Telangana Congress’ initiatives the largest welfare programme in the country.
Many neoliberal economists who support financial assistance to industries and oppose reservation in the private sector in the name of ‘merit’ oppose this kind of agrarian and artisanal welfarism. They argue that such schemes make the agrarian masses lazy. That is absurd. Farming doesn’t suffer due to welfare schemes—farmers don’t stop tilling and harvesting crops just because they are paid a small amount by the government. What will happen, though, is that their health and family well-being will improve, and their respect for and trust in a democratic system will increase.null
Improving the rural scene
The schemes will positively impact rural markets too, turning them more vibrant. Instead of the big-contract urban mall economy, it will be the rural economy that would be connected to the globalised world. The GST returns from monthly spending by rural families will increase severalfold, which will create a scenario where economic activities will begin to flow within the state. There is no scope for hoarding cash, keeping huge amounts in banks, or transferring money through hawala to foreign countries. From the state budget to rural people, and then from markets back to the state through GST, it will be a smooth process.null
Some critics have argued that transferring the money this way will increase alcohol consumption among men. There is no doubt that danger persists, which is why the money would be transferred to women’s bank accounts, thus reducing the control of men over the received money. Similarly, the agricultural labour getting Rs 12,000 per year under Rythu Bharosa must also be transferred to the account of the female family member. Secondly, better school and college education—under the Yuva Vikasam scheme—can also have an anti-alcohol effect. If every child could get an English-medium education up to 12th grade while staying in the village would be able to influence the family culture—including a drunkard father.
A democracy must work toward mass welfare in a focused way. The Congress has opened a new chapter with the Karnataka election and enhanced the welfare agenda in Telangana while competing with the Bharat Rashtra Samithi. The BJP opposes such welfare schemes, as it is more inclined toward supporting big businesses and highway economies under the influence of neoliberal Right-wing economists. With this approach, it cannot succeed in the South.null
The Congress Telangana package for rural agrarian masses will impact the national welfare discourse.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist, and writer.
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तेलंगाना : धनबल और बाहुबल का जवाब दे रही भैंस वाली बहन बारेलक्का
दलित समुदाय की बारेलक्का साफगोई से अपनी बात कहती हैं और उनके संवाद कौशल से जनता और मीडिया दोनों ही प्रभावित हैं। उन्हें चुनाव मैदान से हटने के लिए धमकाया गया और उनके छोटे भाई, जो स्कूल में पढ़ते हैं, पर हमला भी हुआ। मगर उन्होंने मैदान नहीं छोड़ा। पढ़ें, प्रो. कांचा आइलैय्या शेपर्ड की टिप्पणी
कांचा आइलैय्या शेपर्ड November 29, 2023
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बारेलक्का (भैंस वाली बहन) का असली नाम कर्ने शिरिषा है। करीब पच्चीस साल की शिरिषा दक्षिण तेलंगाना के कोल्लापुर विधानसभा क्षेत्र में रहती हैं। वह बेरोजगार और निर्धन हैं और चुनाव लड़ रहीं हैं। वह बेरोजगार युवाओं की प्रतिनिधि के रूप में बतौर निर्दलीय उम्मीदवार कोल्लापुर विधानसभा क्षेत्र के चुनाव मैदान में हैं।
आंध्र प्रदेश से अलग होने के बाद से तेलंगाना में चुनावों के दौरान धनबल का महत्व बहुत बढ़ गया है। ऐसे में बारेलक्का एक नई चुनावी संस्कृति और एक नई नैतिकता का प्रकाश स्तंभ बन कर उभरी हैं। उन्हें सोशल मीडिया पर ज़बरदस्त समर्थन मिला और विभिन्न सामाजिक संगठनों के प्रतिनिधि, और तेलंगाना सहित कई राज्यों से बेरोजगार युवा बड़ी संख्या में उनका प्रचार करने के लिए कोल्लापुर पहुंचे। यहां तक कि बीआरएस, कांग्रेस और भाजपा के धनी उम्मीदवार उनसे खतरा महसूस कर रहे हैं।
वह साफगोई से अपनी बात कहती हैं और उनके संवाद कौशल से जनता और मीडिया दोनों ही प्रभावित हैं। उन्हें चुनाव मैदान से हटने के लिए धमकाया गया और उनके छोटे भाई, जो स्कूल में पढ़ते हैं, पर हमला भी हुआ। मगर उन्होंने मैदान नहीं छोड़ा। वे चुनाव लड़ने और मतदाताओं तक अपनी बात पहुंचाने के अपने अधिकार की रक्षा के प्रति दृढ़संकल्पित हैं। यह इस राज्य और शायद पूरे देश के लिए नया है। वह मानतीं हैं कि चुनावों में धनबल और बाहुबल का महत्व बढ़ते जाने से चुनावी प्रक्रिया गरीब और कमज़ोरों के खिलाफ होती जा रही है। नई पीढ़ी को इस प्रवृत्ति से मुकाबला करना होगा। खास बात यह कि यह युवा दलित महिला, जाति की सीमाओं से ऊपर उठकर, एक सामान्य निर्वाचन क्षेत्र से चुनाव लड़ रही है। उनके समर्थकों में सभी जातियों और समुदायों के लोग शामिल हैं और समाज के सभी क्षेत्रों से आने वाली महिलाएं भी।
एक नई आशा
सत्ताधारी बीआरएस (भारत राष्ट्र समिति), जो पहले टीआरएस (तेलंगाना राष्ट्र समिति) थी, यदि अपने किसी चुनावी वायदे को पूरा करने में नितांत असफल रही है तो वह है बेरोजगारों को काम दिलवाना। यह पार्टी केवल तेलंगाना के लिए बनी थी। दस साल सरकार चलाने के बाद टीआरएस की महत्वाकांक्षाएं अखिल भारतीय हो गईं हैं। अब वह बीआरएस है और इस छोटे से राज्य का धन अखिल भारतीय स्तर पर अपनी सरकार का प्रचार करने पर खर्च कर रही है। बारेलक्का ने इस पार्टी के सबसे कमज़ोर पक्ष को अपना चुनाव एजेंडा बनाया है। ऐसा लगता है कि इसके कारण पूरे प्रदेश के बेरोजगार युवा, सत्ताधारी दल के खिलाफ हो गए हैं। बारेलक्का के चुनाव लड़ने से इस क्षेत्र को छोड़कर अन्य 118 निर्वाचन क्षेत्रों में कांग्रेस को फायदा हो सकता है क्योंकि पूरे प्रदेश के बेरोजगार युवा इस महिला की सरकार के खिलाफ लड़ाई से जुड़ गए हैं। बीआरएस के नेताओं का दावा है कि उनकी सरकार ने कई जनकल्याण योजनाएं लागू की हैं। लेकिन यह तो घर-घर दिख रहा है कि बेरोजगार युवाओं के लिए कुछ भी नहीं हुआ है। चुनाव प्रचार के दौरान लोगों का अभिवादन करतीं व अपनी भैंस के साथ कर्ने शिरिषा ऊर्फ बारेलक्का
तेलंगाना के राज्य बनने की प्रक्रिया में करीब 1,500 युवाओं को आत्महत्या के अंधेरे में धकेल दिया गया था। बीआरएस के नेताओं, विशेषकर के. चंद्रशेखर राव (केसीआर) परिवार के सदस्यों, ने युवाओं से बार-बार आह्वान किया था कि अगर राज्य के दो टुकड़े नहीं किये गए तो वे आत्मदाह कर लें।
बारेलक्का अपने संघर्ष का ब्यौरा देते हुए बतातीं हैं कि किस तरह उन्होंने उधार लेकर कोचिंग सेंटरों पर पैसा लुटाया और कैसे उन्हें लंबे समय तक हैदराबाद में रहना पड़ा – एक ऐसे शहर में जो ग्रामीण युवाओं का बहुत स्वागत नहीं करता है। ग्रुप वन की नौकरियों के लिए प्रतियोगी परीक्षा की तैयारी करते समय वह निःशुल्क खाना बांटने वाली संस्थाओं और मंदिरों से मिलने वाले प्रसाद के आसरे थीं। इसके बाद भी उन्होंने पढ़ाई की और परीक्षाएं भी दीं, मगर किसी न किसी बहाने उन्हें नौकरी नहीं दी गई। वे बार-बार लोगों से कह रही हैं कि वो प्रदेश के उन 40 लाख बेरोजगार युवाओं के लिए लड़ेंगीं, जिनकी उम्र गुज़रती जा रही है और जिनकी ऊर्जा घटती जा रही है, मगर काम-धंधा न होने के कारण वे न तो शादी-ब्याह कर पा रहे हैं और ना ही उनकी जिंदगी में चैन है। वे कहतीं हैं कि इन बेरोजगार युवाओं के दुखों के लिए सरकार ज़िम्मेदार है।
गत 25 नवंबर, 2023, मतलब चुनाव प्रचार थमने के तीन दिन पहले, मैं उनके साथ था। उनका जुलूस सबसे धनी कांग्रेस उम्मीदवार जुपाली कृष्णा राव के गांव जुपाली से गुजर रहा था। कृष्णा राव पहले टीआरएस में थे और उसकी सरकार में मंत्री भी थे। अब वे कांग्रेस में हैं। बारेलक्का के जुलूस में बड़ी संख्या में बेरोजगार नौजवान शामिल थे। उनके जुलूस में दोनों तेलुगू राज्यों से आई दर्जनों कारें भी थीं। सैकड़ों युवा नारे लगा रहे थे– “बारेलक्का को वोट दो”, “सीटी [बारेलक्का को आवंटित चुनाव चिह्न] को वोट दो,” “युवा बेरोजगारों की जान बचाओ” आदि।
धरणी पोर्टल के कारण वे अपनी ज़मीन खो बैठीं
बारेलक्का ग्रेजुएट हैं। उनकी मां एक भोली-भाली मजदूर हैं। उनके दो छोटे भाई हैं। उनके पिता शराबखोर थे। उन्होंने परिवार की एकमात्र संपत्ति 10 गुंता (एक एकड़ की एक-चौथाई) खेती की ज़मीन अपनी पत्नी को बिना बताए बेच दी और घर छोड़ कर चले गए। धरणी पोर्टल पर कोई भी व्यक्ति अपने परिवार की सदस्यों की सहमति या उनके दस्तखत के बगैर अपनी ज़मीन बेच सकता था। बारेलक्का का कहना है कि उनके पिता ने बिना उन्हें या उनके मां को बताए ज़मीन किसी को बेच दी। अब उस ज़मीन को फिर से हासिल करने का कोई तरीका नहीं है। वह कहती हैं कि “मैंने लोगों से भीख मांगी, उनके पैर पड़े कि वे हमारी ज़मीन हमें वापस दिलवा दें, मगर कुछ नहीं हुआ।” एक टीवी इंटरव्यू में बारेलक्का ने कहा, “हमारी ज़मीन को धरणी पोर्टल और मेरा नशेड़ी बाप निगल गए।” यह सब सुनकर लोग सरकार के खिलाफ और भड़क रहे हैं। यह वास्तविकता भी है कि धरणी पोर्टल, छोटे किसानों के लिए मुसीबत बन गया है। वे धरणी पोर्टल के जमीन माफिया का मुकाबला नहीं कर पा रहे हैं।
बारेलक्का को उम्मीद थी कि नए तेलंगाना राज्य में उन्हें नौकरी मिलेगी। केसीआर की पार्टी ने लोगों से वायदा किया था कि प्रदेश के बंटवारे के बाद वे सबको काम दिलवाएंगे। जिस समय तेलंगाना बना, बारेलक्का 13 साल की थीं। वह एक स्कूल में पढ़ती थीं और उन्होंने तेलंगाना को अलग राज्य घोषित किये जाने के समर्थन में आंदोलन में हिस्सा लिया था। उन्हें उम्मीद थी कि नए राज्य में उन्हें सरकारी नौकरी मिल जाएगी और वह अपनी मां की मदद कर सकेंगीं।
उन्होंने राज्य प्रशासनिक सेवा में भर्ती के लिए कई परीक्षाएं दीं। उन्होंने ग्रुप वन से लेकर कनिष्ठ पदों तक की नियुक्ति के लिए योग्यता भी हासिल की। लेकिन हर बार या तो चयन की प्रक्रिया स्थगित कर दी गई या लिखित परीक्षाएं रद्द कर दी गईं। यह कभी इस बहाने से किया गया कि प्रश्नपत्र लीक हो गए हैं तो कभी किसी और बहाने से।
केसीआर सरकार बढ़ती बेरोज़गारी के प्रति उदासीन बनी रही और उसने राज्य की शिक्षा प्रणाली का नाश कर दिया। तेलंगाना आंदोलन के समय शिक्षा व्यवस्था ठप्प रही और पिछले दस साल से भी ठप्प पड़ी है। सरकार ने शिक्षा प्रणाली को ख़त्म कर दिया है। तेलंगाना की तुलना में आंध्र प्रदेश में शिक्षा और रोज़गार की दृष्टि से स्थिति काफी बेहतर है। बारेलक्का नए राज्य की नई सरकार के नए तरीकों की शिकार हैं।
भैंसें खरीद कर बनी बारेलक्का
बारेलक्का को पता नहीं था कि उनके परिवार का भविष्य क्या होगा। उन्होंने फ़ोन पर वीडियो बनाना सीख लिया और इन वीडियो को वे अपने इंस्टाग्राम पेज पर पोस्ट करने लगीं। एक वीडियो में वह कहती हैं, “नमस्कार दोस्तों, मैं आपकी बारेलक्का हूं। चाहे हम कितनी ही मेहनत से पढ़ाई क्यों न करें, चाहे हम कोई भी डिग्री हासिल क्यों न कर लें, यहां तेलंगाना में हमें कोई काम नहीं मिलेगा। यही कारण है कि मैंने अपनी मां के संघर्ष के बल पर चार भैंसें खरीद ली है। अब मैं अपनी भैंसों के साथ खेतों में हूं।” यह वीडियो वायरल हो गया। पुलिस ने अपने राजनैतिक आकाओं के इशारे पर बारेलक्का के खिलाफ मामला दर्ज किया। उन्हें भारतीय दंड संहिता की धारा 505(2) के तहत, सरकार को बदनाम करने का आरोपी बनाया गया। उन्हें अदालत के चक्कर काटने पड़े। इस तरह उनकी मुसीबतों में एक और इज़ाफा हो गया।
बारेलक्का संघर्षों के बीच अपने दिन काट रही थीं। इस बीच, 2023 के विधानसभा चुनाव की घोषणा हो गई। अपने जीवन संघर्ष में जीत की आखिरी उम्मीद में बारेलक्का ने कोल्लापुर क्षेत्र से नामांकन का पर्चा भर दिया। किसी स्थापित राजनेता को यह उम्मीद नहीं थी कि उनका नामांकन पत्र सही पाया जाएगा। उन्हें लग रहा था कि जिस तरह बारेलक्का द्वारा दी गईं परीक्षाएं बेनतीजा रहीं, उसी तरह उनका पर्चा भी बेनतीजा रहेगा। मगर उनका पर्चा ख़ारिज नहीं हुआ और उन्हें ‘सीटी’ चुनाव चिह्न आवंटित कर दिया गया।
उनके चुनाव प्रचार ने जल्दी ही जोर पकड़ लिया। उनके समर्थकों ने प्रचार अभियान पर खर्च करने के लिए उन्हें छोटी-छोटी धनराशि दी और उनके साथ फुटपाथ पर रात बिताने में उन्होंने कोई गुरेज़ नहीं किया। कई यूट्यूबर्स उन्हें फॉलो कर रहे हैं, कई गीतकारों ने उनके ऊपर गीत लिखे हैं और गायकों ने उनके वीडियो बनाकर इंटरनेट पर अपलोड किए हैं। उनके प्रचार वाहनों पर बैनर लगे हैं और उनके काफिले में कई कारें शामिल हैं। इस चुनाव में बारेलक्का एक नैतिक ताकत के रूप में उभरीं हैं। वह निश्चित तौर पर एक नैतिक राजनैतिक योद्धा हैं, जिन्होंने तेलंगाना चुनाव को नया आयाम दिया है। वह जीतें या हारें, इससे कोई फर्क नहीं पड़ता। लेकिन यह तो तय है कि उन्होंने युवाओं को आगे की राह दिखाई है।
कुछ वकीलों ने तेलंगाना उच्च न्यायालय से प्रार्थना की है कि सरकार को बारेलक्का और उनके परिवार की सुरक्षा का इंतजाम करने का निर्देश दिया जाए। सरकार और चुनाव आयोग दोनों उनके और उनके परिवार की सुरक्षा के प्रति गंभीर नहीं हैं। यह आशंका तो है ही कि धनी और प्रभावशाली राजनेता इस गरीब और कमज़ोर लड़की के विरुद्ध कुछ भी कर सकते हैं, विशेषकर इसलिए क्योंकि उसने असाधारण साहस और आत्मविश्वास का परिचय दिया है।
भारत के नागरिक समाज में जो भी नैतिक तत्त्व अब भी बचे हुए हैं, उन्हें बारेलक्का की रक्षा के लिए आगे आना चाहिए। वह भविष्य के लिए आशा है। वह देश को उसी तरह ताकत दे सकतीं हैं, जिस तरह उनकी बहन भैंसों ने सदियों से इस देश को ताकत दी है।
(अनुवाद : अमरीश हरदेनिया, संपादन : राजन/नवल/अनिल)
फारवर्ड प्रेस वेब पोर्टल के अतिरिक्त बहुजन मुद्दों की पुस्तकों का प्रकाशक भी है। एफपी बुक्स के नाम से जारी होने वाली ये किताबें बहुजन (दलित, ओबीसी, आदिवासी, घुमंतु, पसमांदा समुदाय) तबकों के साहित्य, संस्कृति व सामाजिक-राजनीति की व्यापक समस्याओं के साथ-साथ इसके सूक्ष्म पहलुओं को भी गहराई से उजागर करती हैं। एफपी बुक्स की सूची जानने अथवा किताबें मंगवाने के लिए संपर्क करें। मोबाइल : +917827427311, ईमेल : info@forwardmagazine.in
लेखक के बारे में
कांचा आइलैय्या शेपर्ड
राजनैतिक सिद्धांतकार, लेखक और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता कांचा आइलैया शेपर्ड, हैदराबाद के उस्मानिया विश्वविद्यालय में राजनीति विज्ञान के प्राध्यापक और मौलाना आजाद राष्ट्रीय उर्दू विश्वविद्यालय, हैदराबाद के सामाजिक बहिष्कार एवं स्वीकार्य नीतियां अध्ययन केंद्र के निदेशक रहे हैं। वे ‘व्हाई आई एम नॉट ए हिन्दू’, ‘बफैलो नेशनलिज्म’ और ‘पोस्ट-हिन्दू इंडिया’ शीर्षक पुस्तकों के लेखक हैं।
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Preface of New Edition of Post-Hindu India by Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd
in Book Review
27/11/2023
This excerpt is being published from the Preface of the book “Post-Hindu India” written for the new edition by the author published here with permission from publishers. The launch of the book is already advertised by the Penguin India website. The copies of the book will be available for sale both online and offline from 30 November, 2023.
Post-Hindu India was first published in 2009 by Sage. It was launched in a well-attended meeting in the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi, by an Adivasi woman from the Northeast. . Within a short time, it became a bestseller. Perhaps this is the first book to systematically study strenuously gathered information in a field work done about the Adivasi knowledge system to Brahmin knowledge system in known Indian history. It is a journey through a living civilization of castes and communities, basically foregrounding production and human relations and philosophical processes that governed Indian society.
We know that historically from the days of composition of the oldest book, Rig Veda, Indian society was divided into four human categories—Shudra, Vaisya, Kshatriya and Brahmin. The category Shudra at that time may have included in itself all the present Shudras/OBCs/Dalits and Adivasis. The name Shudra was used in ancient texts in a negative sense, something like unworthy people or slaves. Name: Email:
Since then, while Vaisya (Bania), Kshatriya (Rajput in North India) and Brahmin categories have existed and survived with the same titles with a social and philosophical higher status, the classical Shudras got fragmented into three further broad groups—Shudra/OBCs, Dalits and Adivasis. The written texts, whether in Sanskrit or in most regional languages or in English even after establishing a constitutional democracy, did not examine the contribution of these sections to Indian knowledge, economy, philosophy and culture. Since the idea of production is seen as polluting work in the Brahminic spiritual thought, the producers’ life, work and contribution to the nation were not given textual status and philosophical respectability.
Since the days of the freedom struggle, more particularly after the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) acquired hegemonic place in the Indian political system in the post-Mandal and post-Babri Masjid demolition years, brought the mobilization and counter-mobilization of masses, the Indian civilization and culture are being projected based on the book knowledge (mainly of Sanskrit) in which the life, work and philosophy of the productive masses—Shudras, Dalits and Adivasis—did not get recognition.
This book, for the first time, foregrounds the knowledge, philosophy and ideology of the Shudra/Dalit/Adivasis and encodes into a text and constructs an ideology of self-respect and national pride for them. Any nationalist project has to examine the life process, status and strengths and weaknesses of a vast number of the agrarian and the artisanal forces of this country, who are living in villages, forests, cities and so on. Though the leisure and the service castes of India are said to have contributed to the intellectual energy of the nation, their role in sustaining the nation is secondary. The backbone of the nation lies in the labour power and knowledge that emerged in the process of humans engaging in production. Mahatma Jotirao Phule in Gulamgiri also says that the Shudras and Ati-Shudra are the life and sinews of India.
The journey in this book starts from the Adivasi society—what I call Unpaid Teachers—and goes through various occupational caste communities, laboriously recording their knowledge and their socio-spiritual and philosophical systems. Two main occupational groups within the broad Dalit category, Subaltern Scientists (Chamar, Madiga, Matang and so on) and Productive Soldiers (Mahar, Jatav, Mala and so on), were studied as representative communities for their contribution mainly in leather technology and protection of villages and so on.
Thereafter the journey enters into the Shudra Samaj, the biggest social conglomerate which operated around agriculture and artisanal production in India and is still doing so. I went by the undivided Andhra Pradesh social division of the reserved castes into the Dalit and Shudra categories where the lowest Shudra communities, as per the reservation category called OBC, are Chakali (Dobhi or washer and so on) and Mangali (Nayee or barber) whom I called Subaltern Feminists and Social Doctors respectively.
From there on the journey goes into Meat and Milk Economists (broadly cattle grazers and shepherds), Unknown Engineers (iron and gold smiths, pot makers, toddy tappers and so on) and Food Producers in which many historical agrarian castes like Kapu, Reddy, Maratha, Patidar, Jat and so on could be enlisted based on their historical location in the Shudra category and also their relationship to agrarian production in different states of India.
Among the Dwija (which constitute Bania, Kayastha, Khatri, Kshatriya and Brahmin) castes, I studied Banias and Brahmins with careful observation and discussions with various people inside and their caste cultures, economy and philosophy. Lot of unknown things about these castes are brought into the discourse. There is also a chapter on Intellectuals.
The book was reviewed and discussed with equal passion of agreements and disagreements by activists and academicians. More importantly the book was taken to the Supreme Court of India with a petition to ban at least sections of the book.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist and author. His latest book is The Clash of Cultures—Productive Masses Vs Hindutva—Mullah Conflicting Ethics.
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Barrelakka Is Setting A New Moral Trend In An Immoral Electoral System
26/11/2023
Barrelakka (Buffalo Sister), whose original name is Sirisha, is just 25 years old unemployed poorest of the poor girls from Kollapur constituency in South Telangana. She is an independent candidate as representative of unemployed youth and creating new electoral culture and morality in a state where money power has increased several fold after bifurcation. She, with a massive support of social media, and supporters from various social organizations, mainly from Telangana unemployed youth, reaching the constituency from Telangana and outside, in support of her, shaking three rich candidates contesting from BRS, Congress and BJP.
Her speeches, with clarity, have good communication abilities attracting masses and media. Though she was threatened to withdraw and her younger brother, a school going boy, was attacked, she is not deterred. Her commitment to the right to contest and tell the truth to voters is setting a new trend in the state, perhaps in the country itself. She tells a story of an election system giving a handle to harass the poor and vulnerable, as money and muscle power plays a critical role. Yes this needs to be fought by the future generation. This young Dalit girl fighting in a general constituency set aside the caste borders. Her supporters come from all castes, communities and more so women of different walks of life. Name: Email:
Barrelakka is a New hope.
The most unfulfilled promise of the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (earlier Telangana Rastra Samithi) partly controlled by one whole family is not providing jobs for millions of unemployed. The party that was said to have been formed only for Telangana now jumped that promise to become a BRS within ten years rule and spending a small state’s money for campaigns all over India. However, this young poor girl has put her weakest side on the election agenda. That seems to have turned the entire state’s unemployed youth against the ruling party. Except in that constituency in all other 118 constituencies, the fight may help the Congress because the unemployed youth in all over the state is glued to the anti-Government battle by this young girl. The BRC leaders, though, are claiming that they put many welfare schemes in place, but their record on keeping the youth unemployed is quite visible in every house. This statehood was achieved by pushing 1500 youth into suicide net by former TRS now BRS leader, particularly the family members of KCR by repeatedly telling them that they would self-immolate if the state was not bifurcated.
She narrates her struggles of spending loaned money on coaching centers, living in un-accommodative Hyderabad city for rural youth. Several days, while preparing for Group I examination, she ate food around some free feeding centers on the roads or temples that dole prasandam. Yet she studied and wrote exams only to be cancelled afterwards on one pretext or the other. She repeatedly tells the masses that she would fight for 40,00,000 unemployed whose age and energies are running out, without getting married and living a secure life. She explains their sorrows as victims of the negligence of the Government.
I was with her on 25 November 2023, just three days before the campaign ended on 27th. Scores of unemployed youth were in her campaign procession going through the richest Congress candidate, Jupalli Krishna Rao’s, former minister from earlier TRS Government and now shifted to the Congress, village Jupalli. Scores of cars reached there from all parts of two Telugu states, with hundreds of youth shouting slogans “Vote for Barrelakka, Vote for Whistle, Save the lives of Unemployed Youth” made me feel hopeful.
Dharani Took Away Her Small Piece of Land
She is a graduate, with an innocent labour mother and two younger brothers. Her father became a drunkard and went away from home, after selling away just 10 gunta (1/4 acre) land they had without informing his wife. The Dharani portal allowed any owner to sell land without involving the family’s consent or signatures. She said my father handed over that land without telling my mother or children to somebody. There is no way now to retrieve the land. I went round begging and touching the people’s feet to get our land back. “Our land is swallowed by Dharani and Drunken father” says Barrelakka in a TV interview. This story infuriates people more and more. The Dharni portal created huge problems for small farmers, who are unable to handle the software mafia.
She hoped for a job in the newly carved-out Telangana state. The KCR party promised jobs for youth once the state is bifurcated. When the state was formed Barrelakka was 15 and participated in the movement for statehood as a school student with a hope that she could help her mother with a Government job in the new state.
She wrote several state service examinations and got qualified from Group I, the top most state service, to other small job vacancies. But every time either selection was postponed or already written exams were cancelled, with a pretext of paper leakage and some other issue that state administration itself plotted.
The KCR Government remained indifferent to massively grown unemployment and totally collapsed the state education system. The education system remained dysfunctional during the T-state agitation and thereafter for the last ten years without any serious effort the Government killed the education system. When compared to the other bifurcated Andhra Pradesh, both in education and employment, Telangana remained the most unattended state. Barrelakka is a victim of the new method of administration of the new state administrators.
She Bought Buffalos and became Barrealakka
She was clueless about her family’s future. She learnt making videos on her phone and started posting them on her Instagram @ barrelakka “Hi friends I am your Barrelakka. However hard we study and whatever degrees we acquire we will not be given jobs in Telangana. That is the reason why I bought four buffaloes with the struggle of my mother. Now I am with my buffalos in the fields”. That video went viral. The police obviously with the eye-wink of the higher ups booked a case against her under the IPC section 505 (2) that she was defaming the Government. She was made to run around the court and her life became more miserable.
In this struggle came the election of 2023 for the State Assembly. As a last attempt in the struggle for survival, she filed for the nomination for Kollapur constituency. No major politician expected her nomination would survive the scrutiny. They thought that like her answer papers were rendered useless in the job examinations , her nomination would become useless. But it was not rejected. She was given a whistle symbol.
As I am writing this article her campaign began to shake with supporters with small amounts in their hands to donate and willing to stay with her sleeping on the roadside. Youtube channels follow her, songwriters and singers making quite powerful music videos and uploading on Youtube. The atmosphere around her campaign with several cars behind her bannered campaign vehicles showed a newborn moral force in this election. She is certainly a moral political fighter who created a new atmosphere in Telangana elections. Whether she wins or loses is a different issue. But she shows a direction to the youth which is the way forward.
Lawyers approached the Telangana high court asking for protection as the state and election commission were looking the other way about her and her family’s safety. There is fear all around that the rich can do anything against such a vulnerable young poor girl, as she has shown unusual courage and confidence.
The moral nation still surviving in the civil society of India must protect Barrelakka as she is a great hope for future life like her namesake the buffalo milk for this country for millennia.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist and author. His latest book is The Clash of Cultures—Productive Masses Vs Hindutva—Mullah Conflicting Ethics
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The RSS-BJP Economic Development Model: Support the Upper Castes and Ignore Bahujans
Over the decades, Indian economists and politicians have completely ignored the agrarian classes but things are changing.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd
15 hours ago
Representative image of farmers in Goa. Credit: Public Doman
After I wrote a piece titled ‘Rahul Gandhi is Reshaping Congress Welfare Agenda: I Call it the Shudra Development Model’, there has been quite a bit of curiosity about what the Shudra Development Model (SDM), Brahmin-Bania Development Model (BBDM) are.
So far there are broadly three development models that Indian economists, whether educated in India or abroad, talk and write about: 1. The liberal development model; 2. the neo-liberal development model; and 3. the socialist development model. The pro-Congress economists, till the globalisation and liberalisation of the 1990s, were bracketed as liberal economists and the pro-RSS/BJP economists were among the neo-liberals. Left-oriented economists were seen as backers of socialist development.
There was hardly any indigenous economic model that was developed in the post-colonial economic discourse of India. The only concept that I know of is that the Indian economists used the term ‘Hindu Rate of Growth’. This was used in the sense of a slow growth rate without any rational explanation.
If an economist does not deal with the role of caste in determining the financial allocations from the state budget with a caste benefit perspective, they, whatever their own caste location, will do a caste-blind economic analysis and that would help the Dwija economy. The Dwija methods of garnering state money without being involved in any productive work is part of their caste ideology and varna dharma heritage. The spiritual system of Sanatana Dharma is meant to keep the Dwijas well-fed and starve the food producers.
The varna dharma state allocation of finances goes against the entire agrarian and artisanal economy, which I call the Shudra economy. The Shudra economy is structurally opposite to the Dwija economy. The Shudra economy mainly survives on agrarian and artisanal production, not on profit. Investing in labour on the land and producing food and other commodities is central to the Shudra ideology. The money for the state budget mostly comes from their activities. If it is not reinvested in those fields of production, the economy would get depressed.
If the Shudra forces become industrialists, their relationship to the agrarian economy would be sympathetic and interactive with labour and land. The Dwija industrialist consciousness is anti-Shudra and anti-agrarian. In fact, the Dwija economy survived and prospered only by looting the Shudra, Dalit and Adivasi economic resources for millennia, both through market and state apparatus. The development of Indian industry on a massive scale when the RSS-BJP came to power is more because the Government in Delhi is pushing the contract economy into the hands of Dwija industrialists by starving the agrarian sector, as it is mainly in the hands of Shudra, Dalit and Adivasi communities. So far, no economic model has analysed and understood this systemic bias in the allocation of budget resources.
After the RSS-BJP came to power in 2014 with the slogan ‘Sab Ka Sath and Sab Ka Vikas’, where did the national state budget economy get spent in real terms? Whom did it develop? In caste-class terms, the agrarian and artisanal Shudra, Dalit and Adivasi masses hardly got any visible vikas(development) with the resources allocated by the Union government. Most of the central budget was spent on infrastructure like highways, big airports, Vande Bharat, etc. The RSS-BJP government is also spending money on building stadiums for global games.
Privatisation of most government industrial units at cheaper rates – mostly to Bania-Brahmin industrialists – has come at the cost of reducing the reserved jobs for Dalit, Adivasi and OBC communities. The salaried incomes of persons from SC, ST and OBC communities employed in these sectors are also a source of investment in the rural agrarian and artisanal communities. By cutting down such reserved jobs the BJP-RSS Union government is directly helping the Brahmin-Bania rich and providing more jobs to youth born and brought up in Dwija families and educated in private sector schools and colleges in English medium. The RSS/BJP is opposing English medium in government sector education, where the children of agrarian and artisanal masses study. India is not going through a national economic depression but is going through a caste economic depression. This depression does not bother anyone from the Indian school of economists now and there is no B.R. Ambedkar among the productive masses to understand this process.
The RSS-BJP government has close relationships with major industrialists. The Dwija industrialists have an ideological affinity with the political agenda of the RSS-BJP. The fact, however, is that there are no Dalits, Shudras and Adivasis among those major industrialists – except for the Shiv Nadar family. The presence of Gujarati Banias and Marwadis is so visible that no other caste can match them in manipulating Government resources to advance themselves. Ambani, Adani, Vedanta, Lakshmi Mittal and so on are known Bania industrialists. Infosys, the biggest software company, is run by a Brahmin family.
Since the Union government has control over banks, it has written off lakhs of crores of loans given to big industrialists. As I said, the big businesses and big industrialists come from the Brahmin, Bania, Kayastha, Khatri and Kshatriya castes. There are hardly any Shudras, Dalits and Adivasis in that economy. The government investments in that economy do not benefit the productive Shudra, Dalit and Adivasi communities. At the same time, the RSS-BJP government is against writing off small farm loans. Their economists keep arguing such a process will make the farmers lazy. But they never characterise industrialists as lazy or criminal.
The huge amounts that go into such an industrial contract economy do not plough back into markets to upscale the GST returns to the state. Only some of it gets re-invested, some remains in the banks and some goes to foreign countries through hawala transactions and asset purchases. They live a life that could be called half-Indian with one foot in India and another foot in London or New York. The RSS-BJP project them as better nationalists than the Shudras, Dalits and Adivasis who always live in India, that too in villages.
The RSS-BJP’s focus on spending more and more budget on big infrastructure like massive highways, airports and seaports within India through this contract economy, in which there are massive profit ratios, completely goes into the hands of the very same business castes. Even the rich agrarian Shudras have no share in that profit economy. Even the richest Shudra landed castes like Patels, Marathas, Jats, Reddys, Kammas, Lingayats, Vokkaligas, Mudaliyars, Nairs and so on do not get much share in this central contract economy.
Representative image of a highway. Photo: Matt Hardy/Pexels
The development that takes place in that economy is, in my view, a Brahmin-Bania Development Economy. It created an economic depression in the agrarian economy of India, because of under-growth in that sector, and also because of lack of enough investment. The Left’s economic analysis based on pure class methodology could never grasp this process. This caste blindness killed their ideology.
Wherever the BJP is in power in the states, the welfare dose from the state budget to the agrarian and artisanal masses is very minimal. In the current elections to five state assemblies — Madhya Pradesh, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Mizoram – the BJP’s welfare package offered in the manifesto vis-a-vis the Congress and regional parties is the lowest. In Telangana, as against the BRS (regional party) welfare package, the Congress party offered a far better agrarian welfare package. For the first time, a national party offered Rs 15,000 per acre investment and Rs 12,000 per person to agriculture labourers. There are promises of old age pension too, and subsidised gas cylinders. More importantly, the Congress is now promising to write off 2 lakh agriculture loans to which the BJP is very seriously opposed. Yet, it has been consistently writing off bank loans of Dwija industrialists on a massive scale.
The money pumped into the accounts of the agrarian masses will be ploughed back into the rural markets within a month or two, and thereby into the GST income of the state. What is the BJP offering in Telangana? One cow per family and scrapping the 4% reservation available for Muslims. Why does the RSS-BJP not want to send the budget money into the accounts of the Shudra, Dalit and Adiavasi people’s accounts but pump it into the rich industrialists’ accounts? What is the opinion of an OBC Prime Minister about agrarian welfare?
The BJP’s hatred for agrarian producers is in tune with what Prime Minister Modi called revdi culture (culture of freebies), terming it “dangerous for the development of the country.” Whose development is he so concerned about?
As against this view about the welfare schemes that are meant for the agrarian producers, Modi quite openly said that he was not among those who feared to “stand beside industrialists”.
He has never stood among the farmers and agrarian labour. Development for Modi is Brahmin-Bania development. Unlike Modi, Rahul Gandhi, who claimed to be Brahmin, goes and stands by labouring men and women in the fields. But the OBC prime minister never visits an agrarian field and stands with them. This approach of despising agriculture and the agrarian masses is learnt from the RSS.
The Shudra development model improves rural life. When the state spends money from its budget on it, there is all-round development. This was witnessed in Tamil Nadu in the late 1960s, when the DMK came to power – it spent money on food for school children, books, and improving school infrastructure. The rural Tamil medium schools were meant for the Shudra, Dalit and Adivasi agrarian masses, whereas the Dwijas were sending their children to private English medium schools. Now, the spending on welfare for the rural masses is massive in Tamil Nadu.
Andhra Pradesh chief minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy transferring substantial amounts of money to the mothers of school and college-going children, spending money on improving the school infrastructure by stopping the construction of the so-called Singapore-like capital city in Amaravati has provided a new impetus to the Shudra Development Model.
Now, after Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra and interaction with agrarian masses in the fields, in the villages, in the roadside tea shops, he pushed a reluctant Congress to adopt the Shudra Development Model in the states that are going to election. They have done that in Karnataka and have promised to do so in Telangana. Since the Congress, an experienced national party, is going in this direction, there is certainly some hope. The Southern states are now moving in this new direction and a national party has come around to support the SDM as against the BBDM, which it was earlier supporting to various degrees.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is a political theorist, social activist and author. His latest book is The Clash of Cultures (Productive Masses Vs Hindutva-Mullah Conflicting Ethics).
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd 